Archive for the ‘FCPA Statistics’ Category

An Open Invitation To The DOJ And SEC To Refute These Numbers

Tuesday, October 14th, 2014

As highlighted in this prior post, at a recent American Bar Association event Kara Brockmeyer (Chief of the SEC’s FCPA Unit) and Patrick Stokes (Chief of the DOJ’s FCPA Unit) spoke on a panel titled “DOJ-SEC FCPA Update:  Trends and Significant Developments.”

Towards the end of the panel, after hearing Brockmeyer and Stokes carry forward enforcement agency rhetoric concerning individual prosecutions, I asked the following general question.

The DOJ and SEC frequently talk about individual FCPA enforcement actions and indeed recognize the importance of individual enforcement in maximizing deterrence.  However, the reality is that since 2008 approximately 80% of corporate FCPA enforcement actions lack any related enforcement action against company employees.  Indeed, the SEC has not brought an individual FCPA enforcement action in nearly 2.5 years.  Is one possible explanation for these statistics – that corporate FCPA enforcement actions do not necessarily represent provable FCPA violations?

Both Brockmeyer and Stokes strongly disagreed with my statistics and called them false, wrong, deeply flawed, etc.

Stokes also seemed to hint at FCPA enforcement that is not public (see this prior post regarding apparent secret FCPA enforcement) as well as FCPA charges that are currently under seal and thus not yet publicly known.  The later point is obviously valid as the public can only keep FCPA enforcement statistics based on information currently in the public domain.

In other respects however, Stokes merely did what former DOJ Deputy Assistant Attorney General Denis McInerney did when I highlighted the same general statistics at a public conference in May 2013 (see here); in other words Stokes talked about the small minority of cases in which a corporate employee has indeed been charged in connection with a corporate FCPA enforcement action.

In addition, Stokes also mentioned a number of instances in which the DOJ has charged individuals with FCPA charges. This of course is true, but as highlighted in prior posts here and most recently here, it must be noted that the DOJ appears to follow a clear “clustering” approach in charging individuals.  For instance (with statistics calculated through the end of 2013,  53% of the individuals charged by the DOJ with FCPA criminal offenses since 2008 have been in just four cases and 75% of the individuals charged by the DOJ since 2008 have been in just nine cases.  In other words, just a few cases (such as 22 individuals in the failed Africa Sting case, 9 individuals in the Haiti Teleco case, 8 individuals in the Control Components case, 8 individuals in the Siemens case – and most recently 6 individuals in the April 2014 Indian mining license case) account for the substantial bulk of individual FCPA charges.

For approximately two years (see prior posts here and here) I have been keeping the below statistics.

I now “show my work” and the below data is based on public information found on the DOJ and SEC’s websites (see here and here).

I invite the DOJ and SEC to refute these numbers and commit to publishing any response the DOJ and SEC sends to me.  I can be e-mailed at fcpaprofessor@gmail.com

For starters, the easiest statistic is the fact that the SEC has not brought an individual FCPA enforcement action in approximately 2.5 years.  As clearly evidenced from the SEC’s FCPA website, the last individual FCPA action was in April 2012 against Garth Peterson.

The next statistic is that since 2008, the SEC has brought 68 corporate FCPA enforcement actions.  As highlighted by the below chart, 12 of these actions have resulted in a related enforcement action against a company employee.  Thus, 82% of corporate SEC FCPA enforcement actions since 2008 have not resulted in any related enforcement action against a company employee.

SEC

Year

 

Corporate Action

Related Action Against Any Employee 

2008

Fiat

No

2008

Siemens

Yes

2008

Con-Way

No

2008

Faro

Yes

2008

Willbros

Yes

2008

AB Volvo

No

2008

Flowserve

No

2008

Westinghouse Air Brake

No

2009

UTStarcom

No

2009

AGCO

No

2009

Nature’s Sunshine

Yes

2009

Helmerich & Payne

No

2009

Avery Dennison

No

2009

United Industrial Corp.

Yes

2009

Novo Nordisk

No

2009

ITT Corp.

No

2009

KBR/Halliburton

Yes

2010

Alcatel-Lucent

No

2010

RAE Systems

No

2010

Panalpina

No

2010

Pride Int’l

Yes

2010

Tidewater

No

2010

Transocean

No

2010

GlobalSantaFe

No

2010

Noble Corp.

Yes

2010

Royal Dutch Shell

No

2010

ABB

No

2010

Alliance One

Yes

2010

Universal

No

2010

GE/Ionics

No

2010

Eni/Snamprogetti

No

2010

Veraz Networks

No

2010

Technip

No

2010

Daimler

No

2010

Innospec

Yes

2010

Natco

No

2011

Magyar Telekom

Yes

2011

Aon

No

2011

Watts Water

Yes

2011

Diageo

No

2011

Armor Holdings

No

2011

Tenaris

No

2011

Rockwell

No

2011

Johnson & Johnson

No

2011

Comverse

No

2011

Ball Corp.

No

2011

IBM

No

2011

Tyson

No

2011

Maxwell Tech.

No

2012

Eli Lilly

No

2012

Allianz

No

2012

Tyco

No

2012

Oracle

No

2012

Pfizer

No

2012

Orthofix

No

2012

Biomet

No

2012

Smith & Nephew

No

2013

Philips

No

2013

Parker Drilling

No

2013

Ralph Lauren

No

2013

Total

No

2013

Diebold

No

2013

Stryker

No

2013

Weatherford Int’l

No

2013

ADM

No

2014

Alcoa

No

2014

HP

No

2014

Smith & Wesson

No

The next statistic is that since 2008, the DOJ has brought 63 corporate FCPA enforcement actions.  As highlighted by the below chart, 16 of these actions have resulted in a related enforcement action against a company employee.  Thus, 75% of corporate FCPA enforcement actions since 2008 have not resulted in any related enforcement action against a company employee.

DOJ

Year

Corporate Action

Related Action Against Any Employee 

2008 Faro No
2008 AGA Medical No
2008 Nexus Technology Yes
2008 Fiat No
2008 Flowserve No
2008 AB Volvo No
2008 Siemens Yes
2008 Willsbros Yes
2008 Westinghouse Air Brake No
2009 Control Components Yes
2009 Helmerich & Payne No
2009 KBR / Halliburton Yes
2009 Latin Node Yes
2009 UTStarcom No
2009 AGCO No
2009 Novo Nordisk No
2010 Innospec No
2010 Daimler No
2010 Technip No
2010 Snamprogetti No
2010 Alliance One Yes
2010 Universal No
2010 Mercator Yes
2010 ABB Yes
2010 Lindsey Yes
2010 Panalpina No
2010 Pride International No
2010 Tidewater No
2010 Transocean No
2010 Noble No
2010 Royal Dutch Shell No
2010 RAE Systems No
2010 Alcatel-Lucent Yes
2011 Maxwell Yes
2011 Tyson No
2011 JGC No
2011 Comverse No
2011 Johnson & Johnson No
2011 Tenaris No
2011 Cinergy Telcommunications Yes
2011 Armor Holdings Yes
2011 Bridgestone Yes
2011 Aon No
2011 Magyar / Deutsche Telekom No
2012 Marubeni No
2012 Smith & Nephew No
2012 BizJet / Lufthansa Yes
2012 Biomet No
2012 Data Systems & Solutions No
2012 Orthofix No
2012 NORDAM Group No
2012 Pfizer No
2012 Tyco No
2013 Parker Drilling No
2013 Ralph Lauren No
2013 Total No
2013 Diebold No
2013 Weatherford No
2013 Bilfinger No
2013 ADM No
2014 Alcoa No
2014 Marubeni No
2014 HP No

Friday Roundup

Friday, September 19th, 2014

GSK announces verdict in China, the silly season, interesting read, Alibaba, and get it right!  It’s all here in the Friday roundup.

GSK Verdict in China

Earlier today, GlaxoSmithKline announced:

“[T]he Changsha Intermediate People’s Court in Hunan Province, China ruled that GSK China Investment Co. Ltd (GSKCI) has, according to Chinese law, offered money or property to non-government personnel in order to obtain improper commercial gains, and been found guilty of bribing non-government personnel. The verdict follows investigations initiated by China’s Ministry of Public Security in June 2013.  As a result of the Court’s verdict, GSKCI will pay a fine of £297 million [approximately $490 million USD] to the Chinese government. [...] The illegal activities of GSKCI are a clear breach of GSK’s governance and compliance procedures; and are wholly contrary to the values and standards expected from GSK employees. GSK has published a statement of apology to the Chinese government and its people on its website (www.gsk-china.com).  GSK has co-operated fully with the authorities and has taken steps to comprehensively rectify the issues identified at the operations of GSKCI. This includes fundamentally changing the incentive program for its salesforces (decoupling sales targets from compensation); significantly reducing and changing engagement activities with healthcare professionals; and expanding processes for review and monitoring of invoicing and payments. GSK Chief Executive Officer, Sir Andrew Witty said: “Reaching a conclusion in the investigation of our Chinese business is important, but this has been a deeply disappointing matter for GSK. We have and will continue to learn from this. GSK has been in China for close to a hundred years and we remain fully committed to the country and its people. We will continue to expand access to innovative medicines and vaccines to improve their health and well-being. We will also continue to invest directly in the country to support the government’s health care reform agenda and long-term plans for economic growth.”

For more, see here from the BBC.

“The court gave GSK’s former head of Chinese operations, Mark Reilly, a suspended three-year prison sentence and he is set to be deported. Other GSK executives have also been given suspended jail sentences. The guilty verdict was delivered after a one-day trial at a court in Changsha, according to the Xinhua news agency.”

The GSK penalty was described as the biggest fine in Chinese history.  The $490 million fine is also believed to be one of the largest bribery/corruption fines ever.  For instance, a $490 million settlement would rank third on the top ten list of FCPA settlements.

Perhaps the most interesting aspect of the GSK development is reference in the company’s release to the charges involving “non-government personnel.”  In the U.S., it is a prominent enforcement theory that employees of various state-run health care systems – including in China – are “foreign officials” under the FCPA.  (See here).

Another interesting aspect of the GSK development – and one foreshadowed in this 2013 post – is how the Chinese verdict will impact GSK’s scrutiny in its home country (United Kingdom).  As highlighted in the post, the U.K. has a unique double jeopardy principle and, as explained by former SFO Director Richard Alderman, the U.K. “double jeopardy law looks at the facts in issue in the other jurisdiction and not the precise offense.  Our law does not allow someone to be prosecuted here in relation to a set of facts if that person has been in jeopardy of a conviction in relation to those facts in another jurisdiction.”

GSK remains under investigation for conduct outside of China as well.

The U.S. does not have a similar double jeopardy principle, relevant to the extent GSK has shares listed on a U.S. exchange and its conduct in China and elsewhere has been under FCPA scrutiny.

As indicated in the prior post, GSK’s scrutiny – and now liability – in China makes for an interesting case study in enforcement competition.

The Silly Season

Offensive use of the FCPA to accomplish a business objective or advance a litigating position is an observable trend highlighted in my article “Foreign Corrupt Practices Act Ripples.”  As noted here, the FCPA has also been used offensively to score (or at least attempt to score) political points.

The election season is upon us and during this “silly season” perhaps the silliest use of the FCPA ever is happening – not once – but twice.

As noted in this article:

“Michigan Democrat Gary Peters profited from a French oil company [Total S.A.] that admitted to bribing Iranian officials for access to their oil fields.  [...] The Peters campaign did not return requests for comment about whether he was aware of the bribery scandal. [...] Republican Senate nominee Terri Lynn Land called on him to divest from the company, but the three-term congressman refused. [...] “Gary Peters will do anything to make a dollar and say anything to win an election,” Land spokesman Heather Swift said in a statement. “The more Michigan voters learn about Gary Peters the more they know they can’t trust him to put Michigan first.”

Silly.  And there is more.

As noted in this separate article from the same source:

“Sen. Jeanne Shaheen has invested tens of thousands of dollars in a French oil company that admitted to bribing Iranian officials.  [...]  Shaheen’s family owns between $50,000 and $100,000 of stock in Total S.A., the fourth-largest oil company in the world, through a mutual fund.”

Two scoops of silly.

And now for some facts.

Per the DOJ/SEC’s own allegations in the 2013 Total FCPA enforcement action, the vast majority of the alleged improper conduct took place between 1995 and 1997 (that is 17 to 19 years ago).  So old was the conduct giving rise to the Total enforcement action, that the DOJ made the unusual statement in the resolution document that “evidentiary challenges” were present for both parties given that “most of the underlying conduct occurred in the 1990s and early 2000s.”

Interesting Read

Speaking of those FCPA ripples, Hyperdynamics Corporation has been under FCPA scrutiny since 2013 and its recent annual report makes for an interesting read as to the wide-ranging business effects of FCPA scrutiny.  Among other things, the company disclosed approximately $7.5 million in the prior FY for legal and other professional fees associated with its FCPA scrutiny.  Not all issuers disclose pre-enforcement action professional fees and expenses, so when a company does, it provides an interesting data-point.

Chinese Issuers

I began writing about Chinese companies and the FCPA in this 2008 article at the beginning of the trend of Chinese companies listing shares on U.S. exchanges.  This 2009 post returned to the issue and noted that with the IPO market showing signs of life again, and with foreign companies increasingly turning to U.S. capital markets, and with many of these companies doing business in FCPA high-risk countries, the number of FCPA enforcement actions against foreign issuers is likely to increase.  That, of course, has turned out to be true.

Today, of course, is the IPO of Chinese company Alibaba, expected to be largest U.S. IPO ever.  The company’s business model does not exactly rank high in terms of FCPA risk, but recall that the FCPA has always been a law much broader than its name suggests because of the books and records and internal control provisions.

Even as to the anti-bribery provisions, it is at least worth noting, as highlighted in this recent New York Times article:

“Alibaba’s [recent acquisition of a company] provides an example of how the rapid growth of the private sector is also benefiting the country’s political elite, the so-called princelings, or relatives of high-ranking officials.  [...]  Although Alibaba declined to comment for this article, citing regulatory restrictions on public statements ahead of a public offering, the company has said it relies on the market — not political connections — to drive its business. “To those outsiders who stress companies’ various ‘backgrounds,’ we didn’t have them before, we don’t have them now, and in the future we won’t need them!” the company said in a statement in July after a report that several investment companies tied to the sons and grandsons of senior Communist Party leaders owned stakes in Alibaba, including New Horizon Capital, whose founders include the son of former Prime Minister Wen Jiabao.”

As noted in the article, over the past year JPMorgan and several other financial services companies have come under FCPA scrutiny for alleged relationships with princelings.

Get It Right!

It’s a basic issue.

If you are writing about the Foreign Corrupt Practices as a paid journalist you have an obligation to get it right and engage in due diligence before hitting the publish button.

This Corporate Counsel article states:

“It’s already been a big year for enforcement activity under the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. In the first half of 2014 alone, the U.S. Department of Justice and the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission initiated 15 actions against companies alleged to have violated the international corruption law.”

For the record, in the first half of 2014, there have been three corporate FCPA enforcement actions: HP, Alcoa and Marubeni.

*****

A good weekend to all.

 

DOJ’s Empty Rhetoric On Individual FCPA Prosecutions Continues

Wednesday, September 17th, 2014

This previous post highlighted the empty rhetoric of a former DOJ Criminal Division Chief regarding individual FCPA prosecutions.

A change in leadership at the DOJ Criminal Division has not brought about a change in the rhetoric.

As noted in this Reuters FCPA article, current Chief of the Criminal Division Leslie Caldwell stated:

“Certainly…there has been an increased emphasis on, let’s get some individuals.”

“It’s very important for us to hold accountable individuals who engage in criminal misconduct in white-collar (cases), as we do in every other kind of crime.”

Once again, the rhetoric is empty.

Sure the DOJ can point to a few core actions in which the DOJ has “clustered” multiple defendants into one action to achieve notable individual prosecution numbers.  The April 2014 action against six individuals allegedly involved in a conspiracy to obtain Indian mining licenses is a good example as was the “clustering phenomenon” in the enforcement action against five individuals associated with Direct Access Partners.   As highlighted in this previous post (with statistics calculated through the end of 2013), 53% of the individuals charged by the DOJ with FCPA criminal offenses since 2008 have been in just four cases and 75% of the individuals charged by the DOJ since 2008 have been in just nine cases.

In the vast majority of corporate FCPA enforcement actions (based presumably on the conduct of real individuals not ghosts as I indicated in my 2010 Senate FCPA testimony), the talk of individual prosecutions is nothing more than empty rhetoric.  Indeed, as highlighted in this previous post (with statistics calculated through the end of 2013) since 2008 approximately 75% of corporate FCPA enforcement have not (at least yet) resulted in any DOJ charges against company employees.

Consider the below chart with the 20 most recent corporate FCPA enforcement actions.  Only one has resulted (at least yet) in any DOJ charges against company employees.

Corporate Action

Related Prosecution of Company Employees

 

HP

No

Marubeni

No

Alcoa

No

ADM

No

Bilfinger

No

Weatherford

No

Diebold

No

Total

No

Ralph Lauren

No

Parker Drilling

No

Tyco

No

Pfizer

No

Nordam Group

No

Orthofix

No

Data Systems & Solutions

No

Biomet

No

BizJet / Lufthansa

Yes

Smith & Nephew

No

Marubeni

No

Magyar / Deutsche Telekom

No

The DOJ has long recognized that an FCPA enforcement program based solely on corporate fines is not effective and does not adequately deter future FCPA violations. For instance, in 1986 the DOJ Deputy Assistant Attorney General stated:

“If the risk of conduct in violation of the [FCPA] becomes merely monetary, the fine will simply become a cost of doing business, payable only upon being caught and in many instances, it will be only a fraction of the profit acquired from the corrupt activity. Absent the threat of incarceration, there may no longer be any compelling need to resist the urge to acquire business in any way possible.”

In 2010, the DOJ Deputy Chief of the Fraud Section likewise stated that a corporate fine-only FCPA enforcement program allows companies to calculate FCPA settlements as the cost of doing business.   In this new era, the DOJ has consistently stated that prosecution of individuals is a “cornerstone” of its FCPA enforcement strategy and in a 2012 speech the Assistant Attorney General stated: “If you look at the FCPA over the past 4 years, you’ll see we really have been vigorous about holding individuals accountable.” Add Caldwell’s recent statements to this long line of empty rhetoric.

Despite the rhetoric, the actual statistics demonstrate that FCPA enforcement is largely corporate enforcement only.

Friday Roundup

Friday, August 22nd, 2014

The FCPA in the hallways, Super Bowl bribery, no FCPA charges, quotable, survey says, FCPA reform advocate nominated to the federal bench, interesting homework assignment, scrutiny alert, and for the reading stack.  It’s all here in the Friday roundup.

FCPA in the Hallways

Avon’s FCPA scrutiny brought the FCPA to main street.  News Corp.’s and Wal-Mart’s FCPA scrutiny generated world-wide media coverage.  Will the FCPA next become the topic of discussion in middle school and high school hallways across America?

According to this TMZ report:

“A Canadian border official has been fired for allegedly accepting a $10,000 bribe in return for allowing members of Justin Bieber’s entourage with criminal records to enter Canada. Bieber’s camp reportedly gave a female officer at the Niagara Falls border thousands of dollars in backstage passes to get members of his posse into the country while he performed. Canada has a strict policy on not allowing people with certain types of criminal records to enter. It’s unclear when the alleged bribes went down … but Justin performed 2 shows in Toronto last year. The accusations surfaced after more of Bieber’s friends allegedly showed up at the border looking for the same special treatment — and the officers on duty blew the whistle. The Canada Border Services agency reportedly circulated an internal memo reminding officers not to take bribes … and to rat out anyone who does.”

In case you are wondering, there have been several FCPA enforcement actions in recent years concerning alleged payments to customs, immigration and other regulatory officials in connection with a business purpose broadly speaking.

Super Bowl Bribery?

Providing money or other things of value to a person or entity to influence the discretionary acts of that person or entity in connection with a business purpose is bribery … is it not?

Yet, according to this Wall Street Journal article, the above may determine which artist receives the coveted Super Bowl half-time performance slot.  According to the article, the NFL “has asked artists under consideration for the high-profile gig to pay to play” including whether the artists “would be willing to contribute a portion of their post-Super Bowl tour income to the league, or if they would make some other type of financial contribution, in exchange for the halftime gig.”

According to the article, the NFL’s only goal is to “put on the best possible show.”

No FCPA Charges

It is sometimes perplexing why certain alleged conduct results in Foreign Corrupt Practices Act charges, whereas other alleged conduct – clearly implicating the FCPA – does not result in FCPA charges.

Case in point, the recent DOJ prosecution of Alisa Bivens, a U.S. citizen and former foreign program director of International Adoption Guides Inc. (IAG – a South Carolina company).  (See here for the DOJ release).  Bivens recently pleaded guilty to defrauding the U.S. in violation of 18 U.S.C. 317.  As noted in the DOJ release:

“Bivens admitted as part of her plea that she and her co-conspirators submitted fraudulent documents to the State Department to facilitate adoptions of Ethiopian children by U.S. parents from 2006 until 2009.  In support of U.S. visa applications for the Ethiopian children, Bivens and others submitted false documentation, including contracts of adoption signed by orphanages that could not properly give the children up for adoption because, for example, the child in question was never cared for or never resided at the orphanage.”

The DOJ release further states:

“In entering her guilty plea, Bivens also admitted that she and others paid bribes to two Ethiopian officials so that those officials would help with the fraudulent adoptions.   The first of these two foreign officials, an audiologist and teacher at a government school, accepted money and other valuables in exchange for providing non-public medical information and social history information for potential adoptees to the conspirators.   The second foreign official, the head of a regional ministry for women’s and children’s affairs, received money and all-expenses-paid travel in exchange for approving IAG’s applications for intercountry adoptions and for ignoring IAG’s failure to maintain a properly licensed adoption facility.”

Quotable

U.S. Ambassador to China Max Baucus recently delivered this speech to the APEC Network of Anti-Corruption Authorities and Law Enforcement Agencies.  Ambassador Baucus stated:

“The Obama Administration takes a firm stand against American and foreign companies that engage in bribing foreign officials to obtain or retain business.  Other economies here do this as well. In the United States, one of the most effective tools we use to combat corruption is enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.  We pursue corruption at many levels:

  • corporations, both big and small;
  • everyone from sales agents to CEOs;
  • U.S. and foreign companies;
  • citizens and foreign nationals; and
  • direct payers and intermediaries.

Since 2009, the U.S. Department of Justice has taken in $3.4 billion from criminal fines, penalties and forfeitures. And the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission has seized another $1 billion of profits obtained by illegal or unethical acts over the last ten years.  As a result, more American companies have changed the way they do business.  Companies are now more willing to voluntarily disclose corrupt behavior and report on solicitations for bribes.”

The last sentence of course is debatable.

Even so, what is not debatable is the following from Ambassador Baucus – “we need to adopt international best practices of transparency and rule of law” in the fight against corruption.

U.S. officials preach this virtue abroad, yet the reality is we need to work on these virtues here at home as well.

As to the rule of law, and as noted in this speech by former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker who was the keynote speaker at the International Bar Association’s annual conference:

“There is frank recognition that the combination of a weak rule of law and corruption is not only economically debilitating, but threatening the political health of both new and old democracies. I do not exclude the United States. We think of ourselves as exemplars of the rule of law. We are certainly world champions in the extent of legislation and regulation governing bribery, conflicts of interest, procurement procedures, campaign financing, protection of human rights and most of all, transparency. All of these are ingredients of what some think of as the rule of law. But we still face the sad fact that in the United States itself, only a quarter of Americans believe that corruption is not widespread in our country. My feeling is that the impression of serious corruption has increased further, a reflection largely of the concern that campaign financing has come to gravely distort the political process. Should we be satisfied that we live with a really effective rule of law, when the perceived need for heavy campaign spending has come to dominate our political process? We let those financing practices infringe in a very basic way upon the rule of law, with its sense of even-handedness and openness. Does it not breed behaviour that is accomplished by any reasonable definition of corruption?”

Survey Says

PwC’s 2014 State of Compliance Survey asked:  ”Please select your top 3 areas in terms of current perceived level of risk to your business.”  The most popular responses from survey participants were:

  • Industry-specific regulations – 31%
  • Privacy and confidentiality – 25%
  • Bribery/corruption – 22%

FCPA Reform Advocate Nominated to the Federal Bench

Earlier this week, President Obama announced his intent to nominate Haywood Stirling Gilliam, Jr. (Vice-Chair of Covington & Burling’s White Collar Defense and Investigations practice group) to serve on the United States District Court for the Northern District of California.

As noted in this previous post, in a 2013 Law360 Q&A Gilliam was asked “what aspects of your practice area are in need of reform and why?” and he stated:

“Foreign Corrupt Practices Act enforcement stands out as an area in need of further reform. Over the past several years, FCPA enforcement has been characterized by the U.S. Department of Justice and U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission advancing aggressive enforcement theories, but there have been limited opportunities for courts to scrutinize those theories. Most FCPA enforcement cases end in negotiated resolutions such as deferred prosecution or nonprosecution agreements. In that context, regulators often insist that the settling company or individual accept the government’s expansive theories as a condition of resolving the case.  For example, the DOJ has extracted penalties from non-U.S. based, non-U.S. traded companies not covered under the four corners of the statute by asserting broad theories such as aiding and abetting or conspiracy — even when the foreign entity has not taken any action in the U.S. As a practical matter, that could be a hard case to prove at trial — but the government almost never has to.  The result of this trend has been to enshrine the government’s aggressive enforcement positions as quasi-precedent: The law means what the DOJ and SEC say it means, and defendants (especially publicly traded companies) seldom have a realistic opportunity to push back in court, given the financial and practical costs of fighting a contested enforcement action. Relatively recently, district courts have begun to weigh in on these theories, which is a positive development, but there still is a dearth of FCPA case law as compared to other areas of criminal law.  This absence of settled law makes it challenging for companies to decide how to handle thorny FCPA compliance issues. For example, companies routinely face a difficult choice in deciding whether to self-report potential violations to the government, as opposed to thoroughly investigating and remediating the issues internally. While regulators insist that they will give “meaningful credit” to companies that self-report, the tangible benefits of doing so are far from clear. The recent FCPA resource guide issued by the DOJ and SEC says that the agencies place a “high premium” on self-reporting, but does not give concrete guidance as to how the government weighs self-reporting in deciding whether to charge a case, as opposed to offering a deferred prosecution or nonprosecution agreement, or declining the case outright. While the resource guide is a start, companies and their counsel would benefit from more specific guidance when they are weighing the potential, but uncertain, benefits of disclosure against the cost and distraction that can result from voluntarily handing the government a case that otherwise might not have come to its attention.”

Interesting Homework Assignment

Professors are supposed to give homework, not receive homework.

Yet, as highlighted in this Corporate Crime Reporter article, Professor Brandon Garrett (UVA) recently received a homework assignment from a federal court judge.

The assignment:  “to appear in [a] case as an amicus curiae for the limited purpose of providing the Court with advocacy on questions regarding the scope of the Court’s authority, if any, to consider the fairness and reasonableness of a deferred prosecution in deciding whether to accept or reject such an agreement.”

As noted in the Corporate Crime Reporter article, the DPA is between the DOJ and Saena Tech, a defense contractor and grew out of a domestic bribery investigation.

To say the least, I look forward to reviewing Professor Garrett’s homework and so should you.

Scrutiny Alerts

Och-Ziff

Bloomberg goes in-depth in this article “The Hedge Fund and the Despot” concerning Och-Ziff’s relationships in Zimbabwe and the company’s overall scrutiny.

Barclays

Previous posts (here) have detailed Barclay’s scrutiny on both sides of the Atlantic regarding its business relationships with various Middle Eastern investors.

Reuters reports

“Britain’s fraud prosecutor could decide as soon as next month whether to charge former Barclays executives over undisclosed payments the bank made to Qatari investors in 2008.”

According to the article, “U.S. authorities are also investigating the same Barclays’ Qatari commercial agreements and whether third-party relationships breached anti-bribery rules.”

Reading Stack

From Bloomberg, an in-depth look at  the Libyan Investment Authority (LIA) and its relationships with various companies in the financial services industry which has resulted in FCPA scrutiny.

Informative article here titled “Land of Confusion:  Insurance Coverage for Pre-Suit FCPA Investigation Costs Under D&O Liability Policies.”

An interesting front-page read here from the Wall Street Journal regarding China’s anti-corruption crackdown.

*****

A good weekend to all.

Comparing DOJ FCPA Enforcement To SEC FCPA Enforcement Is Not A Valid Comparison

Thursday, July 17th, 2014

This recent Wall Street Journal Risk & Compliance Journal headline stated “SEC Stays on the FCPA Sidelines” and states in relevant part:

“The Securities and Exchange Commission has largely stayed on the sidelines of anti-bribery enforcement so far this year … The agency has brought just two enforcement actions tied to the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act in the first six months of the year, compared to 13 brought by the Justice Department.”

For starters, there have not been 13 FCPA enforcement brought by the DOJ this year and, once again, it is only through creative counting methods that some industry participants are able to reach numbers.  As noted in this recent post, thus far this year the DOJ has brought 3 corporate enforcement actions (HP related entities, Alcoa and Marubeni) and 3 core individual enforcement actions (5 individuals in connection with Indian mining licenses, 3 individuals associated with PetroTiger and 2 individuals added to the 2013 case involving individuals associated with broker-dealer Direct Access Partners).  As highlighted several times on these pages, the most reliable way to keep FCPA statistics is using the “core” approach (i.e. the Indian mining licenses case is one “core” action, etc.), an approach endorsed by the DOJ and an approach that is a commonly accepted method used in other areas.

Regardless of counting method, comparing DOJ FCPA enforcement to SEC FCPA enforcement is not a valid comparison because – sticking with the “sidelines” reference – the DOJ and SEC “play” on different fields.

As demonstrated visually below, the SEC has FCPA jurisdiction over only issuers and associated person (78dd-1 – a relatively narrow slice of the range of “persons” subject to the FCPA).

The DOJ, by contrast, has FCPA jurisdiction over issuers and associated persons (78dd-1), as well as domestic concerns (78dd-2 – all U.S. companies regardless of form of business organization and U.S. persons) and persons other than issuers or domestic concerns (78dd-3 – literally any company in the world or any person in the world to the extent certain jurisdictional requirements are met).

Jurisdiction

In 2014, when the DOJ and SEC are playing on the same field – that is issuer FCPA enforcement actions – there is perfect 2 for 2 overlap as the SEC also brought enforcement actions against HP and Alcoa.  (Marubeni is not an issuer).  Even if it wanted to, the SEC could not bring FCPA charges against individuals in the Indian mining license enforcement action, individuals associated with PetroTiger or individuals associated with Direct Access Partners (although the SEC did bring non-FCPA charges against certain of the Direct Access Partners individuals because the entity was a broker-dealer).

In short, it is not that the SEC is staying on the “sidelines,” rather it is not allowed under the FCPA to step onto the same “playing field” as the DOJ.

In case you are wondering, in 2013 the DOJ brought 6 issuer FCPA enforcement actions (ADM, Weatherford, Diebold, Total, Ralph Lauren and Parker Drilling) and in all 6 of those DOJ issuer actions there were also related SEC enforcement actions against those same issuers.  In 2013, the SEC brought an additional 2 issuer enforcement actions (Stryker and Philips) that the DOJ theoretically could have joined, but here, it is not surprising that the SEC, a civil law enforcement agency, brought more issuer cases than the DOJ, a criminal law enforcement agency.  To complete the analysis from 2013, there was 1 DOJ enforcement action (Bilfinger) involving a non-issuer and thus the SEC was not allowed on that “playing field”).