Archive for the ‘Extradition’ Category

How Should the District Court in Siriwan Interpret Thailand’s Response to the US Government’s Extradition Request?

Thursday, February 7th, 2013

Today’s post is from Mike Dearington, a third-year law student at Vanderbilt University Law School.  The post concerns the DOJ’s FCPA-related enforcement action against the “foreign officials” in the Gerald and Patricia Green enforcement action. Dearington previously authored guests posts here and here on the action and provides an update below.

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How Should the District Court in Siriwan Interpret Thailand’s Response to the US Government’s Extradition Request?

Prosecutors in United States v. Siriwan filed a response last week (here) to address arguments raised by the Siriwans in mid-January.  Arguing against dismissal, prosecutors advanced the government’s position that Thailand’s responses to the US extradition request indicate that “Thailand has not asserted sole jurisdiction” over the Siriwans.

To recap, the Siriwan case has garnered significant attention because of the government’s novel prosecution tactic:  In 2009, prosecutors charged Juthamas Siriwan, ex-Governor of Tourism Authority of Thailand, as well as her daughter Jittisopa, with money laundering in connection with alleged bribe receipts remitted by Gerald and Patricia Green (see here for the prior FCPA Professor post).  The FCPA cannot reach Juthamas Siriwan because she is a foreign official, a limitation pronounced in United States v. Castle.  Thus, prosecutors charged Siriwan with money laundering in promotion of bribery in hopes of avoiding the FCPA’s shortcoming—a tactic the defense deemed a “novel and untested . . . theory.”

But prosecutors face a hurdle in what Judge Wu has called “a very important case in an area which is very, very difficult.”  Indeed, in a January 2012 hearing on the defendants’ motion to dismiss, Judge Wu expressed reluctance with “the government’s position that [it] can somehow get around” the FCPA by charging defendants under the Money Laundering Control Act (MLCA).  But an additional hurdle stands in the way of the court even reaching this money-laundering issue.

That hurdle is the United States’ treaty with Thailand.  In the January 2012 hearing, Judge Wu stated:

“I would not feel comfortable reaching final conclusions until I figure out or unless I am informed how the government of Thailand is viewing the situation . . . .  [I]f Thailand says it’s not going to extradite, I will find that Thailand has a dominant interest . . . because they will have expressed it to me in no uncertain terms.  If they agree to the extradition, then all of the issues are open and that means I’ll have to decide them all.”

In sum, the court suggested it might not reach a decision on whether prosecutors can proceed under an MLCA theory until the court first decides whether Thailand has a dominant interest or not.

To complicate matters, Thailand has neither agreed to, nor rejected, the government’s extradition request.  By July 2012, Thailand had made no response to US overtures. Finally, in November 2012, the Acting Thai Attorney General notified prosecutors that it was gathering evidence to charge the Siriwans and “must postpone the extradition process” pursuant to the treaty.  And in December 2012, Thailand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs informed the US Embassy that a “criminal case will be filed” against Siriwan and therefore extradition proceedings “must be postponed . . . .”

Thus, the determinative question at this stage is how the court will interpret Thailand’s response.  On one hand, based on the court’s statements in January 2012, if the court views Thailand’s response and postponement of extradition proceedings as an expression of sole jurisdiction and a refusal to extradite, it will probably dismiss the indictment finding that Thailand has a dominant interest.  In support of dismissal, the defense argued in January that Thailand has expressed “sovereign interest,” and that Thailand’s position and “official[]” postponement “suggest[] the Thai government feels that extradition and prosecution here ‘may affect the international relation.’”

On the other hand, if the court views Thailand’s response not as a refusal, but as a mere delay, the case will likely remain on the court’s docket at least until the Thai Attorney General’s Office concludes its investigation and prosecution.  In the government’s filing last week, prosecutors argued that Thailand has “not made any . . . notification . . . nor has it otherwise signaled that international relations may be impaired . . . by the government’s prosecution.”  Of Thailand’s position, prosecutors stated “Thailand asserts no definitive position on any aspect of the government’s extradition request. . . . Thailand’s only affirmative statement is that it is postponing review of the request for the time being.”  Prosecutors accused the defense of “tr[ying] again and again to invent and interject into this case a conflict with Thailand that, in fact, does not exist,” and also of “inappropriately asserting self-serving and unfounded claims on behalf of Thailand.”

The court will need to first decide the jurisdiction question before even reaching, if at all, the legitimacy of prosecutors’ MLCA theory.  Even if the court ultimately approves the theory, however, the Siriwan proceeding portends the delays and difficulties treaties might pose for the government in seeking to prosecute foreign officials in the future.  A hearing on these issues is scheduled for February 21.

Prosecutors Stymied By Thai Attorney General’s Office In Siriwan Case

Monday, November 19th, 2012

This post is from Mike Dearington (a third-year law student at Vanderbilt University Law School) who discusses the DOJ’s FCPA-related enforcement action against the “foreign officials” in the Gerald and Patricia Green enforcement action.  Dearington previously authored this guest post on the action and provides an update below.

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Prosecutors Stymied by Thai Attorney General’s Office in Siriwan Case

Mike Dearington

Take a break from digesting the recently released FCPA guidance to read about happenings in a more remote region of the FCPA world.  For the second time since July, the court in United States v. Siriwan has asked the DOJ to show its cards with respect to its extradition request to Thailand.

Siriwan involves charges that Juthamas Siriwan, ex-governor of Tourism Authority of Thailand, and her daughter, Jittisopa, accepted bribes from Hollywood movie executives Gerald and Patricia Green in exchange for contracts.  Prosecutors face a substantial hurdle in convincing the court that their novel use of the money‑laundering statute (MLCA) to prosecute the Siriwans is permissible even when the defendants are foreign officials otherwise outside the reach of the FCPA.  But based on a November 15 filing (here), prosecutors apparently face a separate hurdle in convincing the court to even reach the merits.  This is because, despite the government’s request, Thailand appears unprepared to extradite the Siriwans.

In July, the government reluctantly revealed that it had “not yet received a response from Thailand regarding extradition.”  The government has finally received its response.  Prosecutors filed a status report this past Thursday updating the court about the government’s struggle to obtain extradition from the Kingdom of Thailand.  Appended to the government’s status report is a translated letter from Thavorn Panichpant, Acting Thai Attorney General, stating that Thailand is “in the process of gathering further evidences [sic] before completing the investigation in order to bring both offenders to court to be formally charged. Hence, we must postpone the extradition of both [defendants] as requested by the U.S. Government, according to the Extradition Act . . . .”

The government has interpreted “postpone” as an indication that Thailand may be willing to ultimately extradite the Siriwans.  Prosecutors appended a letter from the US Office of Law Enforcement and Intelligence, a unit of the Department of State’s Office of the Legal Adviser, interpreting the Thai Acting Attorney General’s letter, “not as a rejection, nor an assertion of jurisdiction over this matter . . . .”  And in its brief, the prosecution argued that Thailand’s response “does not constitute a denial of the government’s extradition request.”  Nonetheless, it appears that Thailand’s response poses serious problems for prosecutors.

First, after reading the letter, the court may decline to exercise jurisdiction over the Siriwans in consideration of “the comity of nations.”  In Hilton v. Guyot, the Supreme Court in 1895 described comity, not as “a matter of absolute obligation . . . nor of mere courtesy and good will,” but rather as a “recognition which one nation allows within its territory to the legislative, executive or judicial acts of another nation . . . .”

Second, the court may decline to exercise jurisdiction based on the international-law principle of “reasonableness.”  Section 403 of The Restatement (Third) of Foreign Relations suggests, “[A] state may not exercise jurisdiction to prescribe law with respect to a person or activity having connections with another state when the exercise of such jurisdiction is unreasonable.”  One of The Restatement’s reasonableness factors is “the extent to which another state may have an interest in regulating the activity,” a factor that weighs heavily in the Siriwans’ favor since the Thai Attorney General’s Office has expressed an interest in prosecuting the Siriwans domestically.

If the court decides to dismiss the action, it will probably operate as a dismissal with prejudice, even if dismissed without prejudice.  The statute of limitations for money laundering under § 1956 is five years, and the most recent act of money laundering allegedly occurred in March 2006.  Although the Ninth Circuit has yet to rule on the issue, courts in the Central District of California have typically held that, absent a savings clause, a statute of limitations continues to run despite a dismissal without prejudice, as if the original complaint had never been filed.  See, e.g., Sperling v. White (C.D. Cal. 1998). 

The letter from the Thai Attorney General’s Office could have a substantial impact on the DOJ’s efforts to curb foreign bribery.  If the court decides to dismiss the action, not only will prosecutors lose the opportunity to prosecute the Siriwans, but the DOJ will also lose the opportunity to test its novel prosecution theory that would allow it to hold foreign officials accountable for bribery via the money-laundering statute.  If the court dismisses the action, we can expect prosecutors to appeal such a dismissal as a final order.

U.S. v. Siriwan Filing Sheds Light On Extradition Relations With Thailand In Pivotal Justice Department Case

Tuesday, July 31st, 2012

Today’s post is from Mike Dearington, a rising 3L at Vanderbilt Law School and FCPA Professor reader.

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U.S. v. Siriwan Filing Sheds Light on Extradition Relations with Thailand in Pivotal Justice Department Case

Prosecutors in United States v. Siriwan submitted an extradition status report (here) last Friday in the Central District of California, revealing a potentially strained diplomatic relationship between officials in the U.S. and the Thai Attorney General’s office.  Prosecutors charged Juthamas Siriwan, ex-governor of Tourism Authority of Thailand, and her daughter, Jittisopa, in 2009 with accepting bribes from Hollywood movie executives Gerald and Patricia Green in exchange for lucrative contracts.  (See here for the previous FCPA Professor post.)  The Greens were convicted in 2010 and sentenced to six months imprisonment.  (See here for the previous post.)

In the DOJ’s filing, prosecutors expressed discomfort with providing an extradition-status update pursuant to court order, which they noted was “highly unusual in a public setting and strongly discouraged for many policy and case specific reasons.”  One of these reasons, no doubt, was that the status update forced prosecutors to admit that the U.S. “has not yet received a response from Thailand regarding extradition.”

The Siriwan case is interesting also because it could be instrumental to DOJ efforts to curb foreign bribery, as it is an example of prosecutors uniquely targeting a “foreign official.”  One of the oft-cited shortcomings of the FCPA is that it is purely a “supply side” enforcement scheme.  In other words, the FCPA targets only those paying bribes, and does not prohibit receipt of such bribes by the foreign officials who demand them.

Indeed, critics have declared that, by targeting only the supply side, the law fails to appreciate the nature of foreign bribery.  Bribery is not economically beneficial to corporations because of the risks and costs, yet corporate representatives nonetheless often pay bribes because they are economically extorted by foreign officials.  Officials like Siriwan have been known to set the bidding process and are often first to broach the subject because of their powerful bargaining positions.  Although the FCPA prohibits only bribe payments—and not receipts—the Siriwan case is somewhat of a DOJ workaround.

In Siriwan, prosecutors did not charge FCPA violations, as the Siriwans made no bribery payments.  But prosecutors did charge substantive money-laundering.  The Money Laundering Control Act (MLCA) prohibits the conveyance of funds to or from the U.S. “with the intent to promote the carrying on of specified unlawful activity.”  Just what unlawful activity qualifies is an open question here.

Prosecutors argue that the Greens’ bribe payments represent specified unlawful activity, as do the Siriwans’ violations of Thai laws.  On the other hand, the Siriwans contend the money-laundering charges are pulling “double duty” and that one cannot promote illegal payments by receiving illegal payments.  The Siriwans’ motion to dismiss (see here for the prior post) has been pending since August 2011.

Siriwan may determine whether money-laundering is a viable tactic in the DOJ’s efforts to curb foreign bribery.  The DOJ has expressed an interest in demand-side prosecutions.  In 2009, prosecutors charged Robert Antoine and Jean Rene Duperval, formerly of Haiti Teleco, a state-owned national telecommunications company, with money laundering after each allegedly accepted bribes.  (See here for the prior post.)  Antoine pled guilty and was sentenced to four years in prison; Duperval was convicted and sentenced to nine years in prison in May 2012.

If prosecutors prevail in Siriwan, we can expect the DOJ to pursue a greater number of foreign officials under the MLCA, reminiscent of the way prosecutors pursued foreign executives in the 1990s/2000s under U.S. Antitrust laws due to a lag in foreign anti-trust enforcement.  If U.S. prosecutors can bring foreign officials within their purview, the DOJ may have more tools to reign in foreign bribery.

The Elusive Mr. Kozeny

Monday, April 2nd, 2012

Today’s post is from Brian Whisler (here – a former federal prosecutor and current partner at Baker & McKenzie).

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On March 28, 2012, the Bahamian Privy Council dismissed the U.S. Justice Department’s appeal of the lower court’s decision on jurisdictional grounds, largely though not entirely foreclosing the U.S. effort to extradite Victor Kozeny to stand trial and defend against FCPA/money laundering charges pending in the Southern District of New York.  (See here for the 2005 indictment).   The Privy Council’s opinion (here) reflects some unfavorable comments on the merits of the Justice Department’s extradition case, but did provide some leave for the U.S. to renew its extradition attempt. For now, Kozeny is free to remain in the Bahamas, but faces a pending extradition request from the Czech Republic (relative to defrauded investors), which was awaiting the outcome of the U.S. extradition request.

Whether the Justice Department will continue to pursue Kozeny after seven years of effort remains an open question. As the sentencings of the co-defendants in the Bourke/Kozeny matter (Bodmer, Farrell, and Lewis) have been deferred since 2005 pending extradition of Kozeny, there may be some pressure to dismiss against Kozeny and bring closure to the co-defendants’ cases.

The Kozeny quest illustrates the challenge associated with charging foreign nationals in FCPA cases (and criminal cases generally).  In the event that the U.S. authorities elect to dismiss against Kozeny, they may perhaps take some comfort knowing that Kozeny served 19 months in pre-trial detention in a Bahamian prison, while co-defendant Frederick Bourke was sentenced (though yet to serve) only 12 months, one day for his role in the conspiracy. It has also been reported that Kozeny has spent in excess of $1 million in legal fees fighting extradition to the United States.

Cheney Reportedly To Be Charged By Nigerian Authorities In Connection With Bonny Island

Thursday, December 2nd, 2010

During Tuesday’s Senate subcommittee FCPA hearing, Senator Christopher Coons noted, in connection with other nations ramping up enforcement of their own bribery laws, that “today we are the only nation that is extending extraterritorial reach and going after the citizens of other countries, we may some day find ourselves on the receiving end of such transnational actions.”

Prescient statement.

Bloomberg is reporting (here) that Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission will soon files charges against former Vice President Dick Cheney and officials from five foreign companies, including Halliburton Co., in connection with the Bonny Island bribery scheme.

Bloomberg reports that indictments will be filed in a Nigeria court and that an arrest warrant for Cheney “will be issued and transmitted through Interpol” for enforcement. As noted by Bloomberg, Cheney was CEO of Halliburton from 1995 until 2000.

In February 2009, Halliburton, Kellogg Brown & Root LLC, and KBR Inc. agreed to pay $579 million in combined DOJ/SEC FCPA enforcement action to resolve charges related to Bonny Island. According to the DOJ, the improper conduct took place between 1994 and 2004. The case remains the largest ever FCPA enforcement action against a U.S. company.

See here for the DOJ resolution and here for the SEC resolution.

The DOJ’s press release (here) states that the “successful prosecution of KBR [...] demonstrates that no one is above the law” and that the FBI “will continue to investigate these matters by working in partnership with other law enforcement agencies, both foreign and domestic, to ensure that corporate executives who have been found guilty of bribing foreign officials in return for lucrative business contracts, are punished to the full extent of the law.”

Over the summer, Technip and Snamprogetti/Eni, joint venture partners with KBR, also agreed to settle FCPA enforcement actions in connection with Bonny Island.

Technip agreed to pay $338 million in a joint DOJ / SEC enforcement action (see here and here).

Snamprogetti/ENI agreed to pay $365 million in a joint DOJ / SEC enforcement action (see here and here).

The fourth joint venture partner, JGC of Japan, has yet to resolve its exposure although it has been reported that it is settlement discussions with the DOJ.

For a complete run-down of “Bonny Island Bribery Club Statistics” see here.

The only individual charged thus far has been Albert Jack Stanley (see here). Stanley pleaded guilty and was originally scheduled to be sentenced in May 2009, but has not yet been sentenced.

Two joint venture agents, Jeffrey Tesler and Wojciech Chodan (both U.K. citizens) have also been charged (see here). Tesler and Chodan have been fighting extradition.

Yesterday, the U.K. Guardian (here) reported that Chodan, who had given up his extradition battle, is to arrive in the U.S. in the next 10 days to stand trial. The Guardian reports that Tesler will seek to overturn his extradition today.