Archive for the ‘Debarment’ Category

Friday Roundup

Friday, February 24th, 2012

The Chamber and others weigh in on the DOJ’s promised FCPA guidance, a re-run worth watching, the DOJ dismisses its FCPA case against defunct Cinergy Telecommunications, this week’s FCPA disclosure, a World Bank debarment, and reflecting on this “new era” of FCPA enforcement.  It’s all here in a souped-up version of the Friday roundup.

Guidance

The conventional wisdom is that when the DOJ announced in November 2011 (see here for the prior post) that it would be issuing FCPA guidance in 2012, that this stalled introduction of an FCPA reform bill.  The current conversation thus seems to be focused on DOJ’s promised guidance.

This prior post highlighted how Senator Charles Grassley is curious about DOJ’s guidance and this prior post highlighted how Senators Amy Klobuchar and Chris Coons are as well.

Earlier this week, the Chamber of Commerce (and approximately 30 other trade associations or councils ranging from the American Gaming Association, the Financial Services Roundtable, the Poultry Federation, and the West Virginia Bankers Association) sent a letter (here) to Assistant Attorney General Lanny Breuer and SEC Director of Enforcement Robert Khuzami titled “Guidance Concerning the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.”

The letter begins as follows.  “On behalf of the more than three million businesses and organizations whose interests we represent, we the undersigned organizations, write to request that this guidance address several issues and questions of significant concern to businesses seeking in good faith to comply with the FCPA. Detailed, authoritative guidance on these matters will enhance companies’ compliance with the FCPA by clarifying the “rules of the road” and by mitigating the significant interpretive challenges that companies face when applying the text of the statute to complex real-world circumstances.”

Topics addressed in the letter include:  “definitions of ‘foreign official’ and ‘instrumentality’”; “consideration of compliance programs in enforcement decisions”; “parent-subsidiary liability”; “successor liability”; “de minimis gifts and hospitality”; “mens rea standard for corporate criminal liability”; and “declination issues.”

In this previous post regarding the DOJ’s promised guidance I commented that while a welcome development, DOJ’s promise of FCPA guidance in 2012 will not cure many of the issues that are being debated in good faith during this new era of FCPA enforcement.  Furthermore, I expect DOJ’s guidance to be little more than a compilation in one document of information that is already in the public  domain for those who know where to look.  The Chamber letter similarly states as follows concerning compliance programs.  “If the forthcoming guidance on this issue consists merely of a recitation in summary form of specific corporate compliance programs that have been adopted pursuant to deferred prosecution agreements, non-prosecution agreements or SEC settlements, the marginal utility of such guidance to the cause of FCPA compliance in the business community will be limited.”

Whenever released and whatever it says, the DOJ’s guidance will be merely that – guidance.  What the FCPA needs is not guidance, but limited structural reforms  (such as a compliance defense) as well as a change in DOJ policy (such as  elimination of non-prosecution and deferred prosecution agreements).

A Re-Run Worth Watching

If you missed “The FCPA Compliance: Yes Or No” debate between Howard Sklar and I earlier this week on Securities Docket, here is the audio replay (approximately 70 minutes) along with the presentation slides.  At the end of the presentation participants were asked to vote “yes” or “no” and the vote tally was 68% “yes” 32% “no.”  Many thanks to Bruce Carton at Securities Docket for hosting.

Cinergy Telecommunications

In July 2011, Cinergy Telecommunications was added to the Haiti Teleco enforcement action (see here for the prior post).  In a superceding indictment, the privately-held telecommunications company incorporated in Florida was charged
with one count of conspiracy to violate the FCPA and to commit wire fraud, six counts of FCPA violations, one count of conspiracy to commit money laundering and 19 counts of money laundering.  In addition, Washington Vasconez Cruz (the president of Cinergy) was also charged as was Amadeus Richers (a former director of Cinergy).  As noted in this January post by Samuel Rubenfeld (Wall Street Journal Corruption Currents) in a second superceding indictment Cecilia Zurita (a former vice president of Cinergy as well as Cruz’s wife) was also added to the case.

Earlier this week, the DOJ moved to dismiss (see here) its case against Cinergy.  The motion states as follows.  “The government has recently learned that defendant Cinergy Telecommunications, Inc. is a non-operational entity that effectively exists only on paper for the benefit of two fugitive defendants, Washington Vasconez Cruz and Cecilia Zurita.  For several years, these defendants took actions making it appear as though Cinergy was an on-going operational company.”  The motion states that “defense counsel recently confirmed that Cinergy is in fact now non-operational, has no employees, and has no assets of any real value.”  The motion concludes as follows.  “In light of persuasive information the government has developed that Cinergy no longer exists in any real sense and that it was portrayed as existing at least in part to further fugitive defendants’ litigation strategy, the government in its discretion and under the circumstances presented has elected not to proceed with a trial against Cinergy.”

Joel Hirschhorn (here - Hirschhorn & Bieber P.A.) represents Cinergy as well as certain individual defendants in the case.

This Week’s FCPA Disclosure

In this prior post, I commented (somewhat tongue-in-cheek) that every week another company seems to be disclosing FCPA scrutiny.  So far so good.  This week’s disclosure is from Cobalt International Energy which disclosed as follows in its recent annual report.

“In connection with entering into our RSAs for Blocks 9 and 21 offshore Angola, two Angolan-based E&P companies were assigned as part of the contractor group by the Angolan government. We had not worked with either of these companies in the past, and, therefore, our familiarity with these companies was limited. In the fall of 2010, we were made aware of allegations of a connection between senior Angolan government officials and one of these companies, Nazaki Oil and Gáz, S.A. (“Nazaki”), which is a full paying member of the contractor group. Nazaki has repeatedly denied the allegations in writing. In March 2011, the SEC commenced an informal inquiry into these allegations. To avoid non-overlapping information requests, we voluntarily contacted the U.S. Department of Justice (“DOJ”) with respect to the SEC’s informal request and offered to respond to any requests the DOJ may have. Since such time, we have been complying with all requests from the SEC and DOJ with respect to their inquiry. In November 2011, a formal order of investigation was issued by the SEC related to our operations in Angola. We are fully cooperating with the SEC and DOJ investigations, have conducted an extensive investigation into these allegations and believe that our activities in Angola have complied with all laws, including the FCPA. We cannot provide any assurance regarding the duration, scope, developments in, results of or consequences of these investigations.”

World Bank Debarment

Earlier this week, the World Bank announced (here) “debarment of Alstom Hydro France and Alstom Network Schweiz AG (Switzerland) – in addition to their affiliates – for a period of three years following Alstom’s  acknowledgment of misconduct in relation to a Bank-financed hydropower  project.”  According to the release, “in 2002, Alstom made an improper payment of €110,000, to an entity controlled by a  former senior government official for consultancy services in relation to the  World Bank-financed Zambia Power Rehabilitation Project.”  The release further states as follows. ”The  debarment is part of a Negotiated Resolution Agreement between Alstom and the  World Bank which also includes a restitution payment by the two companies  totaling approximately $9.5 million. The debarment can be reduced to 21 months -  with enhanced oversight – if the companies comply with all conditions of the  agreement.”

What to make of the debarment based on conduct 10 years ago is a bit difficult.  This Wall Street Journal Story by Dionne Searcey and David Crawford states as follows.  “There was some confusion about the company’s official response. Early Wednesday, Alstom spokesman Patrick Bessy said Alstom didn’t admit guilt in its settlement with the World Bank. “The World Bank made assumptions which were not proved,” he said, adding that because the matter was so old, “Alstom was unable to find evidence it could present in its own defense so we decided to settle.”  Mr. Bessy said the blacklisting won’t affect Alstom Group, which has had only one project that involved World Bank funding since 2007. He said the company has several other subsidiaries engaged in hydroelectric projects that aren’t affected by the ban and will be eligible for World Bank funding of their projects. In all only about 5% of Alstom sales are in the hydroelectric field, Mr. Bessy said. In a later statement, the company rejected Mr. Bessy’s comments: “Alstom’s general counsel … stated that any comments that were previously made by Alstom are not valid.”

Reflecting On The New Era of FCPA Enforcement

As discussed in this previous post, in November 2010 Assistant Attorney General Lanny Breuer declared as follows.  “We are in a new era of FCPA enforcement’ and we are here to stay.”  Thomas Gorman (Dorsey Whitney) runs the always informative SEC Actions blog – see here.  In this post, titled “The New Era of FCPA Enforcement:  A Time For Reflection” Gorman hit the ball out of the park when he states as follows.

“Perhaps now is a good time to stop and reflect on what the courts and jurors have said about the “new era” of FCPA enforcement. Surely that era should be more than a dazzling array of ever increasing monetary payments by corporations or actions against individuals built on questionable blue collar tactics. Surely it should be more than business organizations spending ever increasing sums to conduct far reaching and perhaps at times unnecessary investigations at huge expense in a effort to win cooperation credit. Surely it should be more than brining increasing numbers of charges against individuals and demanding longer and longer prison terms. Perhaps now is the time to craft meaningful reform to the Act and enforcement policy to ensure clearer guidance and a more balanced application of the statutes to ensure that the laudable goals of the statute in a fair and balanced manner in the future. That would truly be a “new era” of FCPA enforcement.”

For additional reflections on this “new era” of FCPA enforcement, see this piece I published with the ABA Global Anti-Corruption Task Force.

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A good weekend to all.

The Siemens Argentina Individual Enforcement Actions Are A Step Forward, But Issues Remain

Monday, December 19th, 2011

Last week (see here for the prior post) the DOJ and SEC brought FCPA enforcement actions against several former executives and agents of Siemens.  As noted in this initial post, the enforcement action comes nearly three years after the Siemens corporate enforcement action, a portion of which concerned improper conduct in Argentina and allegations that Siemens S.A. (Argentina), and those acting on its behalf, engaged in a bribery scheme in connection with an Argentine government contract to produce national identity cards.

The Siemens Argentina individual enforcement actions were brought after the DOJ faced scrutiny for not bringing any individual enforcement action in connection with a bribery scheme “unprecedented in scale and geographic reach” in which there existed at Siemens a “corporate culture in which bribery was tolerated and even rewarded at the highest levels of the company.”

Thus, the Siemens Argentina individual enforcement actions with allegations (and that is all they are at this point) of individual improper conduct are a welcome development and the DOJ ought to be recognized for bringing what will likely be a difficult case to prosecute.  Among other things, extradition issues loom, and many of the defendants are likely to aggressively mount a defense.

While a welcome development, two facts remain unchanged by last week’s development.

First, Siemens itself was never charged with FCPA anti-bribery violations for the same conduct its former employees and agents are now facing FCPA anti-bribery charges.  The reason is that FCPA anti-bribery charges would have hurt Siemens too much.  In its sentencing memorandum (here), the DOJ in explaining its charging decisions specifically stated as follows.  “The Department’s analysis of collateral consequences included the consideration of the risk of debarment and exclusion from government contracts.”  As noted last week in a Wall Street Journal article by Vanessa Fuhrmans “Shrugging Off Bribery Case, Siemens Gains Favor in the U.S.” (here),  “three years after Siemens AG reached a record foreign-bribery settlement with U.S. authorities, the German industrial conglomerate is capitalizing on business from an unexpected place—the U.S. government.”  Among things, the article notes that “Siemens today isn’t just benefitting from its ongoing business with the government. It’s made capturing more business and influence in Washington a central part of its U.S. strategy.” 

In short, the notion that certain companies selling certain products to certain customers are essentially immune from FCPA anti-bribery scrutiny remains a troubling issue, notwithstanding last week’s development. 

[Incidentally, under the FCPA's former so-called Eckhardt amendment, the lack of FCPA anti-bribery charges against Siemens would have precluded the FCPA anti-bribery charges the individuals now face.  See U.S. v. McLean, 738 F.2d 655 (5th Cir. 1984)  ("[B]oth the language of the Act and its legislative history reveal a clear intent to impose criminal sanctions against the employee who acts at the behest of and for the benefit of his employer only where his employer has been convicted of similar FCPA violations. [...] We hold that in order to convict an employee under the FCPA for acts committed for the benefit of his employer, the government must first convict the employer.”]

Second, even with last week’s development, the fact remains that the DOJ and SEC have addressed - through individual enforcement actions - only a sliver of the conduct at issue in the 2008 enforcement action.  As alleged by the enforcement agencies, the corruption at Siemens involved more than $1.4 billion in bribes to government officials in Asia, Africa, Europe and the Americas.  As alleged (see here) “among the transactions on which Siemens paid bribes were those to design and build metro transit lines in Venezuela; metro trains and signaling devices in China; power plants in Israel; high voltage transmission lines in China; mobile telephone networks in Bangladesh; telecommunications projects in Nigeria; national identity cards in Argentina; medical devices in Vietnam, China, and Russia; traffic control systems in Russia; refineries in Mexico; and mobile communications networks in Vietnam.” 

Some individual or individuals presumably paid or authorized these numerous non-Argentina bribes.   If last week’s development is the only individual enforcement actions resulting from the 2008 Siemens enforcement action, continued scrutiny and asking of the why questions is warranted.

What other egregious corporate FCPA enforcement action might yield future individual enforcement actions?  Based on the DOJ’s allegations, Daimler would seem like a good bet.  See here for the prior post.

The “Overseas Contractor Reform Act” … It’s Still Impotent

Thursday, December 8th, 2011

Another week, another FCPA reform bill (and again, no it’s not that bill).  See here for last week’s post.

Representative Peter Welch (D-VT) once again demonstrated that he has very little understanding of how the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act is actually enforced, or if he does, that he is more interested in creating the illusion that he is addressing an issue.  See here for the press release.

As reported by Samuel Rubenfeld on the Wall Street Journal Corruption Currents page (see here), yesterday Welch introduced the “Overseas Contractor Reform Act.”   The bill (here) is a revised version of the impotent legislation Welch previously introduced in May 2010 – see this prior post, a bill that unanimously passed the House in September 2010 – see this prior post.

The bill Welch introduced yesterday, along with Representative Jason Chaffetz (R-Utah), states that “it is the policy of the United States Government that no Government contracts or grants should be awarded to individuals or companies who violate the FCPA after the date of the enactment of this Act.”

This is a sound policy statement.  As I discussed in my November 2010 Senate testimony (here) a debarment penalty for egregious instances of corporate bribery that legitimately satisfy the elements of an FCPA anti-bribery violation involving high-level executives and/or board participation represents sound public policy.

However, the problem with the bill, as with the previous bill, is its trigger for debarment - “any person found to be in violation of the [FCPA - defined to include only the FCPA's antibribery provisions] shall be proposed for debarment from any contract or grant awarded by the Federal Government within 30 days after the judgment finding such person to be in violation becomes final.”

As silly as it may sound, in this “new era” of FCPA enforcement or this “facade era” of FCPA enforcement if you prefer (see here) few companies are actually ever “found to be in violation of the FCPA.”

The reason is because of how the DOJ is allowed to enforce the FCPA and it is two-fold.  First, most corporate FCPA enforcement actions are resolved through a non-prosecution agreement (NPA) or deferred prosecution agreement (DPA).  These resolution vehicles do not result in findings of FCPA violations or judgments of FCPA violations.  Second, debarment under the bill is triggered only for violations of the FCPA’s anti-bribery provisions.  In the most egregious cases of corporate bribery the DOJ rarely charges FCPA anti-bribery offenses, but rather FCPA books and records or internal controls violations or other non-FCPA offenses (see Siemens, Daimler, BAE, etc.).  Why?  For the stated reason (see here) of avoiding debarment considerations – both in the U.S. and elsewhere.

Thus, Welch’s new bill again represents impotent legislation despite the fact that there was extensive commentary and analysis of the previous bill’s shortcomings for the above reasons.

While substantively similar to the prior bill, the bill introduced yesterday is different in the following ways:  the new bill contains a less restrictive definition of “person,” the new bill defines FCPA to include all three prongs of the statute (78dd-1, 78dd-2, and 78dd-3) and, most important, the new bill has an “exemption for self-reported violations” which specifically states “upon a determination by the head of a Federal agency that a person has reported a violation of the [FCPA] voluntarily to the Federal Government, the head of the agency may exempt the person from the applicability of this Act.”

As noted in this prior post, the DOJ is opposed to “mandatory, conduct-based, debarment remedy for companies that engage in egregious bribery.”

The Final Act In The BAE Circus?

Thursday, May 26th, 2011

Last week, the State Department announced (here) that “BAE Systems plc of the United Kingdom (BAES), including its businesses, units, subsidiaries, and operating divisions and their assignees and successors, except BAE Systems, Inc. and its subsidiaries, entered into a civil settlement with the Department of State for alleged violations of the Arms Export Control Act (AECA) and the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR).” The release states that “under the four-year term of the Consent Agreement, BAES will pay in fines and in remedial compliance measures an aggregate civil penalty of $79 million, the largest civil penalty in Department history.”

The State Department action follows the March 1, 2010 guilty plea of BAE Systems plc. (see here for the prior post). BAE pleaded guilty to “conspiring to defraud the United States by impairing and impeding its lawful functions, to make false statements about its FCPA compliance program, and to violate the Arms Export Control Act and International Traffic in Arms Regulations.” In that DOJ enforcement action, BAE Systems plc agreed to pay a $400 million criminal fine.

I previously called (here) the BAE “bribery, yet no bribery” enforcement action one that contributes to the “facade of FCPA enforcement” (see here) and was asked several questions about the enforcement action by former Senator Arlen Specter (see here).

Like the DOJ enforcement action, the State Department action specifically notes that BAE Systems, Inc. was not involved in the conduct giving rise to the enforcement actions. BAE Systems Inc. is “the U.S.-based segment of BAE Systems plc” and “is responsible for relationships with the U.S. Government…”. (See here).

The State Department action involved BAE Systems plc entering into a consent decree (see here for the relevant documents) “to settle 2,591 violations of the AECA and ITAR in connection with the unauthorized brokering of U.S. defense articles and services, failure to register as a broker, failure to file annual broker reports, causing unauthorized brokering, failure to report the payment of fees or commissions, and failure to maintain records involving ITAR-controlled transactions.”

Certain of the improper conduct identified in the State Department documents relate to the lease and lease/sale of Gripen aircraft to the Ministries of Defence in the Czech Republic and Hungary – conduct also at issue in the DOJ’s prosecution of BAE (see here for the criminal information).

The State Department documents also relate to BAE’s use of advisers for defense transactions and proposed defense transactions involving U.S. defense articles and services without obtaining authorization from the State Department.

One of the advisors identified is Alfons Mensdorff-Pouilly. As noted in this previous post, the U.K. Serious Fraud Office (“SFO”) originally charged Alfons Mensdorff-Pouilly with “conspiracy to corrupt” and for “conspiring with others to give or agree to give corrupt payments [...] to unknown officials and other agents of certain Eastern and Central European governments, including the Czech Republic, Hungary and Austria as inducements to secure, or as rewards for having secured, contracts from those governments for the supply of goods to them, namely SAAB/Gripen fighter jets, by BAE Systems Plc.” Within days, the SFO dropped the charges. As noted in this previous post, the SFO explained that BAE would not agree to the SFO plea (watered down as it was) without the SFO agreeing to drop the charges against Count Mensdorff.

As to debarment, the State Department consent agreement states (at page 20) that the State “Department has determined to impose a statutory debarment of BAE Systems plc pursuant to section 127 of the ITAR [see here], based on the criminal charges [in the previous DOJ enforcement action].

Yet, the next sentence of the consent decree states as follows. “However, based on the foregoing and additional information provided by Respondent, and request for reinstatement by BAE Systems plc, the Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs has determined under Section 38(g)(4) of the AECA [see here] that Respondent has taken appropriate steps to address the causes of the violations and to mitigate law enforcement concerns. Accordingly, BAE Systems plc shall be reinstated.”

The consent decree did however “place under a policy of denial” BAE Systems CS&S International, Red Diamond Trading Ltd. and Poseidon Trading Investments Ltd. Per the consent decree, this means that there will be “an initial presumption of denial during the case-by-case review of all licenses and other authorizations” involving these subsidiaries even though the consent decree states that “Transaction Exceptions” may be granted by the State Department. Furthermore, the consent decree states that all licenses, agreements, and other authorizations involving these subsidiaries previously issued “are not affected and are not revoked.”

The most recent annual report on BAE’s website states as follows regarding CS&S International. “The operating group’s CS&S International business predominantly acts as prime contractor for the UK government-to government defence agreement with Saudi Arabia and has a major in-country presence. Its main activities include operational capability support to both the Royal Saudi Air Force and Royal Saudi Naval Force and, more recently, the commencement of supply of 72 Typhoon aircraft.” Neither Red Diamond Trading Ltd. nor Poseidon Trading Investments Ltd. are mentioned in the 190 page annual report.

According to this U.K. Guardian article “BAE’s Secret Money Machine,” “in February 1998 Red Diamond Trading Ltd was anonymously incorporated in the British Virgin Islands and was used to channel payments all over the world, via Red Diamond accounts in London, Switzerland and New York.” As to Poseidon Trading, the same article states as follows. “BAE set up a second front company, purely to handle the Saudi commission payments for al-Yamamah. Poseidon Trading Investments Ltd was incorporated in the British Virgin Islands on June 25 1999.”

The DOJ’s criminal information contains various allegations regarding Saudi Arabia – without specifically mentioning the al-Yamamah contract. For more on the al-Yamamah contract see here -a PBS Frontline documentary titled Black Money.

The State Department’s recent $79 million enforcement action against BAE is in addition to the DOJ’s $400 million enforcement action against BAE from 2010. However, as Dru Stevenson (Professor of Law, South Texas College of Law) and Nick Wagoner (a law student at South Texas College of Law) explored in this recent post, in the 365 days that followed the 2010 DOJ enforcement action, BAE was awarded U.S. contracts in excess of $58 billion dollars.

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Speaking of debarment (or lack thereof) Senator Al Franken continues to lead on this issue. Earlier this month, during a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing, Franken questioned Attorney General Eric Holder why, over the past three years, hundreds of billions of dollars have been awarded to defense contractors who have previously been convicted of fraud. See here for the video. Senator Franken similarly questioned Assistant Attorney General Lanny Breuer during a January Senate Judiciary Committee hearing. See here for the video.

In connection with the Senate’s November 2010 hearing “Examining Enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act” the DOJ was asked whether it favored “mandatory, conduct-based, debarment remedy for companies that engage in egregious bribery.” See here for the prior post including the DOJ’s response.

Uneven Justice: A Critical Look at FCPA Enforcement

Monday, May 23rd, 2011

The week starts with a guest post from Michael Volkov.

Volkov (here) is a partner at Mayer Brown LLP. His practice focuses on white collar defenses, FCPA enforcement and compliance, and litigation. The views expressed in this article are his own and do not represent those of his law firm, Mayer Brown LLP. He can be reached at mvolkov@mayerbrown.com.

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UNEVEN JUSTICE: A CRITICAL LOOK AT FCPA ENFORCEMENT

By Michael Volkov

The United States is a nation of laws: badly written and randomly enforced. ~Frank Zappa

Much has been written about the overall fairness of the Justice Department’s and the Securities and Exchange Commission’s aggressive FCPA enforcement program. Some have argued that DOJ and SEC have engaged in uneven justice: corporations plead to non-FCPA offenses, pay big fines, and continue business as usual. Others argue that DOJ has failed to prosecute individual executives and officers, or to ensure that corporations are debarred or suspended from continuing to sell to the federal government.

As a former federal prosecutor with nearly 20 years experience in the criminal justice system, I can assure you that some of the criticisms are accurate but some completely miss the mark. Last year, the Senate Judiciary Committee examined the controversy surrounding FCPA enforcement, and this year the House Judiciary Committee is planning to look at the issue.

DOJ is proud of its enforcement program. And rightly so – they have resuscitated a program which was dormant for years which now collects over one half of all criminal fines imposed each year in the United States. That is an impressive record.

Aside from the fundamental deficiencies inherent in DOJ’s voluntary disclosure process, DOJ claims that it gives adequate credit for corporate compliance programs, early cooperation and full disclosure. In response some suggest that plea agreements which are designed to protect companies from debarment and include pleas to non-FCPA charges are unfair. Part of that point is correct; the other part is flat out wrong.

Our criminal justice system operates day-to-day based on plea agreements. In the federal system, over 90 percent of federal cases are resolved through plea agreements. As part of that process, charge-bargaining is a critical component. DOJ’s decision to permit corporations, or typically country-specific subsidiaries to plead guilty to a non-FCPA offense, is in keeping with this long tradition. The underlying conduct as described in the plea agreement is known to all – the company engaged in systematic and widespread bribery. Nothing more, nothing less. To extrapolate from such a plea that DOJ is not enforcing the law is misguided and ignores the realities of the plea bargaining process.

On the other hand, DOJ’s willingness to forego debarment and/or suspension is certainly an issue that needs to be examined. As Professor Koehler testified at the Senate Judiciary Committee, BAE was awarded a government contract on the same day it plead guilty to a non-FCPA offense but paid a criminal fine over $400 million. That is certainly uneven justice, and Senators and policymakers should have taken note of this ironic enforcement twist.

Senator Specter and others have criticized the Justice Department for failing to include individual corporate executives and officers in its enforcement actions. The Justice Department’s Antitrust Division has a much better record on this score – corporations and individuals are prosecuted in criminal antitrust cases with equal vigor and results. Why has DOJ shied away from linking corporate cooperation to requiring cooperation against individual executives and officers at the offending company?

If the goal of DOJ’s enforcement program is corporate compliance, then the enforcement program needs to be recalibrated. Deterrence is an admirable objective and will certainly increase compliance, but DOJ has more tools available to it to encourage and promote cooperation. DOJ’s antitrust amnesty/leniency is an example of a program which has been incredibly successful on the enforcement and the compliance ends. While there are certainly problems with the application of a cartel-focused (multi-actor) model to FCPA cases, there are lessons which can be learned from the amnesty/leniency program.

We all aspire to equal justice and we all admire the image of justice that is blind as the hallmark of our judicial system. But right now what is needed is for justice to listen so that it operates with fairness and equal justice for all.